Northshore - EdTribune WA - Washington Education Data

1 in 20 Washington Students Now Has a 504 Plan

Wed, 04 Mar 2026 12:00:00 GMT

On Bainbridge Island, 17% of public school students have a Section 504 disability accommodation plan. In Federal Way^↗, 30 miles to the southeast and serving a student body more than six times as large, the rate is 2.9%.

Both districts operate under the same federal law. Both serve students with ADHD, anxiety, diabetes, and other conditions that can substantially limit a major life activity. The enrollment data cannot measure disability prevalence directly, only identification rates. But a sixfold gap between neighboring districts points less to differences in how many students have disabilities than to differences in who gets evaluated and who gets the paperwork that converts a diagnosis into a classroom accommodation.

Statewide, Section 504 plans have quadrupled over 16 years, from 13,762 students (1.3% of enrollment) in 2009-10 to a peak of 60,833 (5.5%) in 2024-25. Combined with the 16.4% special education rate that year, more than one in five Washington students carried some form of documented disability accommodation. That combined rate was 14.5% in 2010.

Then, in 2025-26, 504 plans dropped by 6,440 students, the largest single-year decline on record.

The law changed before the culture did

The acceleration began before COVID, before the youth mental health crisis entered the national vocabulary, before pandemic-era telehealth made ADHD diagnoses easier to obtain. It started with a legal change.

The Americans with Disabilities Act Amendments Act of 2008, effective January 2009, broadened the definition of disability under both the ADA and Section 504. The new standard lowered the threshold: impairments no longer needed to "prevent or severely or significantly restrict" a major life activity to qualify. The law expanded the list of major life activities to include concentrating, reading, and thinking, and it barred schools from considering how well a student's medication or coping strategies managed their condition.

For students with ADHD, the effect was immediate. A student earning good grades could no longer be denied a 504 plan on that basis alone. Federal guidance later reinforced that "grades alone are an insufficient basis" for determining whether a student has a disability.

Washington's data shows the result. In 2009-10, 184 districts reported any 504 students. By 2024-25, 283 districts did. The statewide count grew every single year from 2010 through 2019, averaging 3,825 new 504 plans annually.

The pandemic interrupted, then turbocharged growth

COVID-19 briefly reversed the trend. Schools lost 1,062 Section 504 students in 2019-20 and another 1,477 in 2020-21, as remote learning made evaluations difficult and some families disengaged from formal accommodation processes entirely.

The rebound was swift and steep. From 2021-22 to 2022-23, the state added 8,363 Section 504 students in a single year, an 18.0% jump that dwarfed any pre-pandemic annual increase. The post-pandemic growth rate from 2021 to 2025 averaged 3,797 new plans per year, roughly matching the pre-pandemic pace, but compressed into a recovery surge that peaked in 2022-23 and 2023-24.

The timing coincides with a national surge in ADHD diagnoses. Between 2016 and 2022, approximately one million additional children received ADHD diagnoses nationwide, bringing the overall rate to 11.4% of children ages 3 to 17. Post-pandemic awareness campaigns, expanded telehealth access, and heightened attention to youth mental health all contributed to more families seeking evaluations.

But rising diagnoses alone do not explain the pattern in Washington's data. If they did, 504 rates would be climbing at roughly similar rates everywhere. They are not.

Where you live determines whether you get identified

The correlation between district wealth and 504 identification is stark. Among Washington districts with at least 2,000 students, the correlation between a district's economically disadvantaged rate and its Section 504 rate is -0.62: the more affluent the district, the higher the 504 rate.

Bainbridge Island^↗, where fewer than 15% of students are economically disadvantaged, identifies 17.0% of its enrollment on 504 plans. Northshore^↗, a large suburban district north of Kirkland, identifies 10.7%. Snoqualmie Valley^↗ and Shoreline^↗ both exceed 10%.

At the other end: Yakima^↗, where more than 75% of students are economically disadvantaged, identifies 3.4%. Highline^↗, just south of Seattle, identifies 1.3%. Federal Way, at 2.9%, serves a student body nearly the size of Bainbridge Island, Mercer Island, Snoqualmie Valley, and Shoreline combined.

This pattern is consistent with national research. A policy brief from the National Education Policy Center found that Section 504's "broad eligibility criteria, lack of funding, and substantial deference to the professional judgment of educators" have favored families with the resources to pursue private evaluations. White students are more than twice as likely as Black or Hispanic students to have a 504 plan nationally, despite comparable rates of underlying conditions like ADHD.

"Section 504's broad eligibility criteria, lack of funding, and substantial deference to the professional judgment of educators and external evaluators have favored powerful and privileged families." -- National Education Policy Center, 2024

The mechanism is straightforward. Section 504 is an unfunded federal mandate. Unlike special education under IDEA, which carries dedicated federal funding, 504 plans bring no additional dollars to districts. Schools must provide the accommodations (extended test time, preferential seating, modified assignments, breaks for medication) but receive nothing to pay for them. Districts with smaller caseloads have less institutional infrastructure for evaluations. Families in those districts may not know a 504 plan exists, may lack access to private psychologists who can document a qualifying condition, or may face language barriers in navigating the referral process.

The 2025-26 reversal

After 13 years of growth interrupted only by COVID, Section 504 plans fell by 6,440 students in 2025-26, dropping from 60,833 to 54,393. The statewide rate slid from 5.5% to 5.0%.

The decline was not uniform. Eight fewer districts reported any 504 students at all (275, down from 283). Some individual district drops suggest reporting changes rather than genuine declines: Cheney^↗ fell from 186 to one, and Grandview fell from 71 to two, patterns more consistent with a data submission issue than a mass revocation of accommodation plans.

But the drop also touched large districts with no obvious reporting anomaly. Seattle^↗ lost 458 Section 504 students. Lake Washington^↗ lost 310. Lake Stevens^↗ lost 292. Battle Ground lost 576. Whether these reflect tightened identification criteria, families leaving the public system, or a natural plateau after a decade of rapid expansion is not yet clear from the data alone.

What 1 in 5 means for schools

Even after the 2025-26 decline, the combined accommodation rate tells a structural story. In 2025-26, 54,393 students hold 504 plans (5.0%) and 169,080 receive special education services (15.4%). Together, that is 20.4% of Washington's enrollment, up from 14.5% in 2010.

This is not a temporary phenomenon. The special education rate has climbed steadily from 13.2% to 15.4% over 17 years, and Section 504 rates, even with the 2025-26 correction, remain nearly four times their 2010 level.

For districts, the fiscal implication is real. Special education carries per-pupil costs well above the base rate, funded partly through IDEA. Section 504 accommodations receive no categorical funding at all. Every extended-time test, every behavioral intervention plan, every physical accommodation comes out of the district's general fund. As 504 caseloads have grown fourfold, the unfunded cost of compliance has grown with them.

A federal law under federal challenge

The legal foundation for all of this is not as secure as it was a year ago. Seventeen states have filed suit in Texas v. Becerra challenging the constitutionality of Section 504 itself. While the lawsuit's proximate trigger was the Biden administration's 2024 rule update, the states' legal brief asks the court to "declare Section 504 unconstitutional" and "enjoin enforcement" of the law entirely. Washington is not among the plaintiff states.

If the challenge succeeds, 54,393 Washington students would lose the federal guarantee that schools must provide them with disability accommodations. Whether the state's own laws would fill that gap is an open question.

The more immediate question is local. The sixfold gap between Bainbridge Island's 17.0% identification rate and Federal Way's 2.9% is not a gap in disability prevalence. It is a gap in access to the system that documents disability and converts it into classroom support. Four times as many students hold 504 plans as in 2010. Whether the students who need them most are the ones getting them is a different question, and the data suggests they are not.

Detailed code that reproduces the analysis and figures in this article is available exclusively to EdTribune subscribers.

White Students Now 47% of Washington's Schools

Wed, 10 Dec 2025 12:00:00 GMT

In the fall of 2022, for the first time in recorded history, white students made up less than half of Washington's public school enrollment. The threshold was crossed quietly: 49.9%, a fraction of a percentage point below the line. Four years later, the gap has widened to 47.1%, and there is no year in the 16-year dataset when the white share rose.

The crossing was not a single event but the visible point of a long structural shift. Washington lost 140,996 white students between 2010 and 2026, a 21.5% decline, while gaining 124,142 Hispanic students, 64,167 multiracial students, and 23,207 Asian students. The state's public schools are now more diverse than its general population, where non-Hispanic white residents still make up about 63% of the total.

Sixteen years, one direction

White enrollment fell every single year from 2010 to 2026. The losses ranged from as few as 792 students in 2017 to as many as 44,809 in 2021, the pandemic year. That single COVID-era drop accounted for 83.7% of the state's total enrollment loss that year, even though white students made up just 52.5% of enrollment beforehand. The disproportionate exit suggests that white families were far more likely than families of color to pull children from public schools during the pandemic, whether to private schools, homeschooling, or out of state.

The pre-pandemic pace was roughly 0.8 percentage points per year. COVID accelerated it to 1.5 points in 2021, then the rate partially stabilized: 0.5 to 0.8 points per year from 2023 to 2026. Even at the slower pace, white enrollment is falling by 4,000 to 10,000 students per year. In 2026 alone, Washington lost 9,955 white students, the largest decline since 2022.

An older, shrinking base

The white population decline in Washington schools reflects a broader demographic reality. The Seattle Times reported that the state's white population fell by more than 111,000 between 2020 and 2023 alone, driven by an age structure that produces fewer births and more deaths:

"White people had the highest median age in Washington, at 43.5 years in 2022. For all other groups, the median was below 40." — The Seattle Times, 2024

Washington's natural increase (births minus deaths) has fallen from 40,736 in 2010 to 17,654 in 2025, less than half its level 15 years ago. That decline is concentrated among white families: the aging white population has fewer children entering kindergarten each year, while immigration and higher birth rates among younger demographic groups push enrollment in the other direction.

Migration now accounts for roughly 70% of Washington's population growth. Much of that migration is international, feeding growth in Hispanic, Asian, and multiracial enrollment.

Who grew, who shrank

The composition shift is not a single story. Each group moved on its own trajectory.

Hispanic students added 124,142 to Washington's rolls over 16 years, a 74.1% increase that took their share from 16.2% to 26.6%. The growth was concentrated in central Washington's agricultural counties and in suburban districts ringing Seattle, Tacoma, and Vancouver. Pasco School District^↗ gained 4,100 Hispanic students. Evergreen (Clark)^↗ gained 3,777. Auburn^↗, Edmonds^↗, and Puyallup^↗ each added more than 2,700.

One signal warrants attention: Hispanic enrollment dipped by 3,417 students in 2026, the first non-COVID decline in the dataset. Whether this reflects a one-year anomaly or the beginning of a new pattern is not yet clear.

Multiracial students nearly tripled, from 35,867 to 100,034 (+178.9%). This is the fastest-growing category in absolute growth rate, though some of that growth reflects changes in how families identify their children rather than new arrivals. The multiracial share plateaued around 9.1% beginning in 2021, suggesting the reclassification wave may have stabilized.

Asian enrollment grew 28.9%, from 80,375 to 103,582, making Asian students the third-largest group at 9.4% of enrollment. Much of this growth tracks the broader expansion of the Seattle metro's Asian population, which grew by about 76,700 between 2020 and 2023.

Black enrollment was essentially flat, losing 1,279 students (-2.3%) over 16 years. The share ranged between 4.3% and 5.5%.

Native American enrollment fell by 12,146 students, a 49.0% decline that cut the group nearly in half. The steepest drop came between 2010 and 2011 (-6,952), which may partly reflect a reporting reclassification as multiracial categories expanded. Even excluding that first-year discontinuity, the group has been in steady decline.

The district map is splitting in two

In 2010, 48 of 300 Washington districts (16.0%) had student populations where white students were less than half. By 2026, that number had grown to 114 of 328 (34.8%). The 47 districts that crossed the threshold since 2010 include some of the state's largest: Seattle^↗, Lake Washington^↗, Puyallup^↗, Evergreen (Clark)^↗, Northshore^↗, Tacoma^↗, Edmonds^↗, and Issaquah^↗.

The pattern is geographic. Nearly every large suburban district in the Puget Sound corridor has crossed the line or is approaching it. Bellevue^↗, once 51.5% white, is now 23.4%, reshaped by the Eastside's technology-sector immigration. Kent^↗, already diverse in 2010 at 45.7% white, has dropped to 26.1%. Federal Way^↗ fell from 41.2% to 17.9%.

Eastern Washington tells a different story. Spokane^↗ remains 64.6% white. Mead^↗ is 78.2%. Battle Ground^↗ is 76.0%. The diversity transformation is concentrated on the western side of the Cascades and in the agricultural communities of the Yakima Valley and Columbia Basin.

A workforce that does not match

One operational consequence of the demographic shift: the gap between who teaches and who sits in the classroom. The Professional Educator Standards Board tracks the disparity and has noted that Washington's teacher workforce, while increasing in racial diversity, is not representative of the student body. An IES study of pathways to teaching found that candidates of color face disproportionate dropout rates at every step of the teacher preparation pipeline, from college admission through certification to employment.

Sharonne Navas of the Equity in Education Coalition told The Seattle Times that the milestone reflects a global pattern: "We're just falling in line with the rest of the world." David Knight, a University of Washington professor, suggested the shift should prompt a harder look at school finance: "Maybe this milestone is going to finally start to remind people that we should have a more tailored school finance system."

What the kindergarten pipeline signals

Washington's kindergarten class has shrunk from 82,947 in 2020 to 69,338 in 2026, a 16.4% drop. Over the same period, the 12th-grade class swelled from 91,196 to 98,754. The state is graduating large cohorts born in the mid-2000s, when Washington was still above 60% white, and replacing them with smaller kindergarten classes born after the birth rate decline accelerated and the demographic composition shifted further. Each year that passes widens the compositional gap between older and younger grades.

Washington's natural increase is at its lowest recorded level, and nothing in the birth data points toward a reversal. The 2027 kindergarten cohort, drawn from one of the state's lowest birth years on record, will be even more diverse than 2026's -- and even smaller.

Detailed code that reproduces the analysis and figures in this article is available exclusively to EdTribune subscribers.